Munich Agreement Text Never to Go to War Again

Oct 5, 1938

October v, 1938. House of Commons

Nevelle Chamberlain returns from Munich If I do not begin this afternoon past paying the usual, and indeed well-nigh invariable, tributes to the Prime Minister for his handling of this crisis, it is certainly not from any lack of personal regard. We have always, over a great many years, had very pleasant relations, and I have deeply understood from personal experiences of my own in a similar crunch the stress and strain he has had to bear; but I am certain it is much ameliorate to say exactly what we recollect nearly public affairs, and this is certainly not the time when information technology is worth anyone's while to courtroom political popularity.

Nosotros had a shining case of firmness of graphic symbol from the late Starting time Lord of the Admiralty two days ago. He showed that firmness of character which is utterly unmoved by currents of opinion, however swift and violent they may be. My hon. Friend the Member for South-W Hull (Mr. Law), to whose compulsive spoken communication the House listened on Monday, was quite right in reminding the states that the Prime Minister has himself throughout his conduct of these matters shown a robust indifference to thanks or boos and to the alternations of criticism or applause. If that be so, such qualities and acme of listen should make information technology possible for the about astringent expressions of honest stance to be interchanged in this Business firm without rupturing personal relations, and for all points of view to receive the fullest possible expression.

Having thus fortified myself past the example of others, I will proceed to emulate them. I volition, therefore, begin by saying the most unpopular and most unwelcome thing. I volition begin by proverb what everybody would like to ignore or forget but which must still be stated, namely, that we accept sustained a total and unmitigated defeat, and that French republic has suffered even more than than we accept.

The utmost my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister has been able to secure by all his immense exertions, past all the great efforts and mobilisation which took identify in this country, and by all the ache and strain through which nosotros accept passed in this country, the utmost he has been able to proceeds for Czechoslovakia in the matters which were in dispute has been that the High german dictator, instead of snatching the victuals from the tabular array, has been content to take them served to him grade past form.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer [Sir John Simon] said it was the first time Herr Hitler had been fabricated to retract – I think that was the word – in whatsoever degree. We really must not waste product time after all this long Debate upon the difference between the positions reached at Berchtesgaden, at Godesberg and at Munich. They can be very simply epitomised, if the Business firm will allow me to vary the metaphor. £i was demanded at the pistol's signal. When it was given, £ii were demanded at the pistol'southward indicate. Finally, the dictator consented to take £1 17s. 6d. and the remainder in promises of goodwill for the future.

At present I come up to the point, which was mentioned to me simply now from some quarters of the Firm, about the saving of peace. No i has been a more resolute and uncompromising struggler for peace than the Prime Minister. Everyone knows that. Never has there been such instance and undaunted decision to maintain and secure peace. That is quite true. Nevertheless, I am not quite clear why there was so much danger of Great Uk or France being involved in a war with Federal republic of germany at this juncture if, in fact, they were ready all along to cede Czechoslovakia.

The terms which the Prime Minister brought back with him could easily take been agreed, I believe, through the ordinary diplomatic channels at any time during the summer. And I will say this, that I believe the Czechs, left to themselves and told they were going to get no aid from the Western Powers, would accept been able to make meliorate terms than they have got after all this tremendous perturbation; they could inappreciably accept had worse.

In that location never can be any absolute certainty that in that location will be a fight if one side is determined that it will give way completely. When one reads the Munich terms, when one sees what is happening in Czechoslovakia from hour to hr, when one is sure, I will not say of Parliamentary approval but of Parliamentary acquiescence, when the Chancellor of the Exchequer makes a speech which at any rate tries to put in a very powerful and persuasive manner the fact that, after all, it was inevitable and indeed righteous: when we say all this, and everyone on this side of the House, including many members of the Conservative Party who are vigilant and careful guardians of the national interest, is quite clear that nothing vitally affecting us was at pale, it seems to me that one must ask, What was all the trouble and fuss well-nigh?

The resolve was taken past the British and the French Governments. Let me say that it is very important to realise that it is past no means a question which the British Government simply have had to decide. I very much adore the manner in which, in the House, all references of a recriminatory nature have been repressed. But information technology must be realised that this resolve did not emanate particularly from 1 or other of the Governments only was a resolve for which both must share in common the responsibility.

When this resolve was taken and the course was followed – you may say information technology was wise or unwise, prudent or brusk-sighted – one time it had been decided not to brand the defense of Czechoslovakia a matter of war, then at that place was actually no reason, if the matter had been handled during the summer in the ordinary mode, to phone call into being all this formidable apparatus of crisis. I think that betoken should be considered.

We are asked to vote for this Motion which has been put upon the Newspaper, and it is certainly a Motion couched in very uncontroversial terms, every bit, indeed, is the Amendment moved from the Opposition side. I cannot myself express my agreement with the steps which have been taken, and as the Chancellor of the Exchequer has put his side of the case with so much ability I will effort, if I may be permitted, to put the case from a unlike angle. I have always held the view that the maintenance of peace depends upon the accumulation of deterrents against the aggressor, coupled with a sincere endeavour to redress grievances. Herr Hitler's victory, like and then many of the famous struggles that have governed the fate of the world, was won upon the narrowest of margins.

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After the seizure of Austria in March we faced this problem in our Debates. I ventured to appeal to the Government to become a picayune further than the Prime number Minister went, and to give a pledge that in conjunction with France and other Powers they would guarantee the security of Czechoslovakia while the Sudeten-Deutsch question was existence examined either past a League of Nations Commission or some other impartial trunk, and I still believe that if that course had been followed events would non have fallen into this disastrous state. I agree very much with my right hon. Friend the Member for Sparkbrook (Mr. Amery) when he said on that occasion – "Do one thing or the other; either say you will disinterest yourself in the matter birthday or accept the step of giving a guarantee which will have the greatest take a chance of securing protection for that land."

France and Cracking United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland together, especially if they had maintained a close contact with Russian federation, which certainly was not done, would have been able in those days in the summertime, when they had the prestige, to influence many of the smaller states of Europe; and I believe they could have adamant the attitude of Poland. Such a combination, prepared at a time when the German dictator was not deeply and irrevocably committed to his new adventure, would, I believe, take given strength to all those forces in Deutschland which resisted this deviation, this new design.

They were varying forces; – those of a military character which declared that Deutschland was not ready to undertake a world war, and all that mass of moderate opinion and popular opinion which dreaded war, and some elements of which still take some influence upon the Government. Such activity would accept given strength to all that intense want for peace which the helpless German masses share with their British and French fellow men, and which, equally nosotros have been reminded, found a passionate and rarely permitted vent in the joyous manifestations with which the Prime number Minister was acclaimed in Munich.

All these forces, added to the other deterrents which combinations of Powers, great and small-scale, ready to stand house upon the forepart of law and for the ordered remedy of grievances, would have formed, might well have been effective. Between submission and immediate war there was this 3rd culling, which gave a hope not only of peace but of justice. Information technology is quite true that such a policy in order to succeed demanded that Britain should declare straight out and a long time beforehand that she would, with others, join to defend Czechoslovakia against an unprovoked aggression. His Majesty'due south Regime refused to give that guarantee when it would accept saved the situation, still in the end they gave it when it was too late, and now, for the hereafter, they renew it when they have not the slightest power to go far good.

All is over. Silent, mournful, abandoned, broken, Czechoslovakia recedes into the darkness. She has suffered in every respect by her clan with the Western democracies and with the League of Nations, of which she has always been an obedient retainer. She has suffered in particular from her association with France, under whose guidance and policy she has been actuated for then long. The very measures taken by His Majesty's Government in the Anglo-French Agreement to requite her the best chance possible, namely, the 50 per cent, make clean cut in sure districts instead of a plebiscite, have turned to her detriment, because at that place is to be a plebiscite too in wide areas, and those other Powers who had claims have also come up downward upon the helpless victim.

Those municipal elections upon whose voting the basis is taken for the l per cent. cut were held on issues which had nothing to do with joining Deutschland. When I saw Herr Henlein over here he assured me that was non the desire of his people. Positive statements were fabricated that it was only a question of abode dominion, of having a position of their ain in the Czechoslovakian State. No one has a correct to say that the plebiscite which is to be taken in areas under Saar weather, and the make clean-cutting of the 50 per cent. areas – that those 2 operations together amount in the slightest degree to a verdict of self-conclusion. It is a fraud and a farce to invoke that name.

Nosotros in this land, as in other Liberal and democratic countries, accept a perfect right to exalt the principle of cocky-determination, merely it comes ill out of the mouths of those in totalitarian states who deny even the smallest element of toleration to every section and creed inside their bounds. But, however you put it, this detail block of country, this mass of human beings to be handed over, has never expressed the desire to become into the Nazi dominion. I do not believe that even now, if their opinion could be asked, they would practise such an opinion.

What is the remaining position of Czechoslovakia? Not only are they politically mutilated, but, economically and financially, they are in complete confusion. Their banking, their railway arrangements, are severed and broken, their industries are curtailed, and the movement of their population is almost barbarous. The Sudeten miners, who are all Czechs and whose families take lived in that expanse for centuries, must now flee into an area where at that place are hardly whatever mines left for them to work. It is a tragedy which has occurred. At that place must always be the most profound regret and a sense of vexation in British hearts at the treatment and the misfortune which accept overcome the Czechoslovakian Republic.

They take not ended here. At any moment there may be a hitch in the programme. At any moment there may be an order for Herr Goebbels to start again his propaganda of calumny and lies; at any moment an incident may be provoked, and now that the fortress line is turned away what is there to stop the volition of the conqueror? Obviously, we are non in a position to give them the slightest help at the present time, except what everyone is glad to know has been done, the fiscal aid which the Regime have promptly produced.

I venture to think that in future the Czechoslovak Country cannot be maintained equally an independent entity. I think yous will find that in a period of time which may be measured by years, but may exist measured only past months, Czechoslovakia volition be engulfed in the Nazi authorities. Perhaps they may join it in despair or in revenge. At whatever rate, that story is over and told. But we cannot consider the abandonment and ruin of Czechoslovakia in the low-cal but of what happened but final month. It is the most grievous consequence of what nosotros accept washed and of what we have left undone in the last five years – five years of futile good intentions, five years of eager search for the line of least resistance, five years of uninterrupted retreat of British power, five years of neglect of our air defences.

Those are the features which I stand here to expose and which marked an improvident stewardship for which Keen Britain and France have dearly to pay. We accept been reduced in those five years from a position of security so overwhelming and so unchallengeable that we never cared to think about information technology. We have been reduced from a position where the very give-and-take "war" was considered one which could be used just by persons qualifying for a lunatic asylum. We take been reduced from a position of safety and power – ability to exercise skillful, power to exist generous to a beaten foe, power to make terms with Federal republic of germany, ability to give her proper redress for her grievances, power to stop her arming if we chose, power to take any step in strength or mercy or justice which we thought right – reduced in 5 years from a position rubber and unchallenged to where we stand up at present.

When I think of the fair hopes of a long peace which still lay before Europe at the outset of 1933 when Herr Hitler first obtained power, and of all the opportunities of arresting the growth of the Nazi power which accept been thrown away, when I think of the immense combinations and resources which have been neglected or squandered, I cannot believe that a parallel exists in the whole course of history.

And so far as this land is concerned the responsibility must residue with those who have had the undisputed control of our political diplomacy. They neither prevented Germany from rearming, nor did they rearm themselves in time. They quarrelled with Italian republic without saving Ethiopia. The exploited and discredited the vast institution of the League of Nations and they neglected to make alliances and combinations which might accept repaired previous errors, and thus they left u.s.a. in the hr of trial without adequate national defence or effective international security.

In my holiday I thought it was a hazard to study the reign of King Ethelred the Unready. The House will remember that that was a menses of dandy misfortune, in which, from the strong position which we had gained under the descendants of Rex Alfred, we fell very swiftly into chaos. It was the flow of Danegeld and of foreign pressure. I must say that the rugged words of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, written a one thousand years ago, seem to me apposite, at least as apposite equally those quotations from Shakespeare with which we have been regaled by the terminal speaker from the Opposition Bench. Here is what the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle said, and I call back the words apply very much to our treatment of Deutschland and our relations with her.

"All these calamities cruel upon us considering of evil counsel, because tribute was not offered to them at the right time nor withal were they resisted; but when they had washed the virtually evil, then was peace made with them."

That is the wisdom of the past, for all wisdom is not new wisdom.

I have ventured to express those views in justifying myself for not existence able to support the Motion which is moved to-night, but I recognise that this great matter of Czechoslovakia, and of British and French duty there, has passed into history. New developments may come along, but we are not here to determine whether any of those steps should be taken or non. They have been taken. They have been taken past those who had a right to take them because they diameter the highest executive responsibility under the Crown.

Whatever we may recollect of information technology, nosotros must regard those steps as belonging to the category of affairs which are settled across recall. The by is no more than, and one can only draw comfort if one feels that one has done 1's best to propose rightly and wisely and in good time. I, therefore, turn to the future, and to our situation as it is to-day. Hither, again, I am sure I shall accept to say something which will not exist at all welcome.

We are in the presence of a disaster of the first magnitude which has befallen Cracking United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland and France. Practice not let us blind ourselves to that. Information technology must now be accepted that all the countries of Cardinal and Eastern Europe will make the best terms they can with the triumphant Nazi ability. The organization of alliances in Key Europe upon which France has relied for her rubber has been swept away, and I can see no means by which it tin can be reconstituted. The route down the Danube Valley to the Blackness Body of water, the road which leads every bit far as Turkey, has been opened.

In fact, if not in form, it seems to me that all those countries of Eye Europe, all those Danubian countries, will, one afterwards another, be fatigued into this vast organization of power politics – not only ability military politics merely ability economic politics – radiating from Berlin, and I believe this can be accomplished quite smoothly and swiftly and will not necessarily entail the firing of a single shot. If you wish to survey the havoc of the strange policy of Britain and France, look at what is happening and is recorded each day in the columns of The Times. Why, I read this morning about Yugoslavia – and I know something virtually the details of that country –

"The effects of the crunch for Yugoslavia tin immediately be traced. Since the elections of 1935, which followed soon afterward the murder of Male monarch Alexander, the Serb and Croat Opposition to the Government of Dr. Stoyadinovitch have been conducting their unabridged entrada for the adjacent elections under the slogan: 'Back to France,   England, and the Piffling Entente; dorsum to democracy.' The events of the past fortnight have so triumphantly vindicated Dr. Stoyadinovitch'south policy…." – his is a policy of close clan with Germany – "that the Opposition has collapsed practically overnight; the new elections, the appointment of which was in incertitude, are now likely to be held very soon and can issue only in an overwhelming victory for Dr. Stoyadinovitch's Government."

Here was a land which, three months ago, would have stood in the line with other countries to arrest what has occurred.

Once again, what happened in Warsaw? The British and French Ambassadors visited the Foreign Minister, Colonel Beck, or sought to visit him, in order to inquire for some mitigation in the harsh measures being pursued against Czechoslovakia about Teschen. The door was shut in their faces, The French Ambassador was not even granted an audition and the British Administrator was given a virtually brusk answer by a political director. The whole affair is described in the Polish Press as a political indiscretion committed by those two powers, and we are to-day reading of the success of Colonel Beck'southward blow. I am not forgetting, I must say, that it is less than twenty years since British and French bayonets rescued Poland from the bondage of a century and a half. I call up it is indeed a lamentable episode in the history of that state, for whose freedom and rights and then many of u.s.a. have had warm and long sympathy.

Those illustrations are typical. You will see, mean solar day afterward day, calendar week subsequently week, entire alienation of those regions. Many of those countries, in fear of the ascension of the Nazi power, take already got politicians, Ministers, Governments, who were pro-German, but at that place was always an enormous pop movement in Poland, Rumania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia which looked to the Western democracies and loathed the idea of having this arbitrary rule of the totalitarian arrangement thrust upon them, and hoped that a stand would be made. All that has gone past the board. We are talking about countries which are a long way off.

But what will be the position, I want to know, of French republic and England this year and the year afterwards? What will be the position of that Western forepart of which nosotros are in full authorisation the guarantors? The German army at the present time is more numerous than that of France, though not well-nigh so matured or perfected. Next yr information technology will grow much larger, and its maturity will be more than complete. Relieved from all feet in the Eastward, and having secured resources which volition greatly diminish, if not entirely remove, the deterrent of a naval blockade, the rulers of Nazi Germany will have a complimentary pick open to them as to what direction they will turn their eyes. If the Nazi dictator should choose to look west, as he may, bitterly will France and England regret the loss of that fine ground forces of ancient Bohemia which was estimated last week to require not fewer than 30 German divisions for its destruction.

Tin can we blind ourselves to the great change which has taken place in the military machine state of affairs, and to the dangers we have to run into? We are in process, I believe, of adding in four years, 4 battalions to the British Ground forces. No fewer than two have already been completed. Hither are at least xxx divisions which must now be taken into consideration upon the French front, besides the 12 that were captured when Austria was engulfed.

Many people, no doubt, honestly believe that they are but giving away the interests of Czechoslovakia, whereas I fear we shall find that we have securely compromised, and perhaps fatally endangered, the rubber and even the independence of Corking U.k. and France. This is non only a question of giving upward the German colonies, as I am sure we shall exist asked to do. Nor is information technology a question merely of losing influence in Europe. Information technology goes far deeper than that. You have to consider the character of the Nazi movement and the dominion which information technology implies.

The Prime Government minister desires to see cordial relations between this country and Germany. There is no difficulty at all in having cordial relations between the peoples. Our hearts go out to them. But they have no power. But never will you take friendship with the present German Government. You must have diplomatic and correct relations, but there can never exist friendship betwixt the British democracy and the Nazi power, that power which spurns Christian ideals, which cheers its onward class by a barbarous paganism, which vaunts the spirit of aggression and conquest, which derives strength and perverted pleasure from persecution, and uses, as we have seen, with pitiless brutality the threat of murderous force. That power cannot always be the trusted friend of the British democracy.

What I find unendurable is the sense of our country falling into the power, into the orbit and influence of Nazi Germany, and of our being condign dependent upon their expert will or pleasure. It is to prevent that that I have tried my best to urge the maintenance of every bulwark of defence – commencement, the timely cosmos of an Air Force superior to anything within striking distance of our shores; secondly, the gathering together of the collective strength of many nations; and thirdly, the making of alliances and military machine conventions, all within the Covenant, in order to get together together forces at any rate to restrain the onward motility of this power. It has all been in vain. Every position has been successively undermined and abandoned on specious and plausible excuses.

Nosotros do not want to be led upon the loftier road to condign a satellite of the High german Nazi organization of European domination. In a very few years, perhaps in a very few months, we shall exist confronted with demands with which we shall no dubiousness be invited to comply. Those demands may affect the surrender of territory or the surrender of liberty. I foresee and foretell that the policy of submission volition carry with it restrictions upon the freedom of speech and debate in Parliament, on public platforms, and discussions in the Printing, for it will be said – indeed, I hear information technology said sometimes at present – that we cannot let the Nazi system of dictatorship to be criticised by ordinary, common English politicians. Then, with a Press under control, in function directly but more than potently indirect, with every organ of public opinion doped and chloroformed into acquiescence, we shall be conducted along further stages of our journey.

It is a small affair to innovate into such a Debate as this, merely during the week I heard something of the talk of Tadpole and Taper. They were very keen upon having a general election, a sort of, if I may say so, inverted khaki election. I wish the Prime number Minister had heard the oral communication of my hon. and gallant friend the Member for the Abbey Division of Westminster (Sir Sidney Herbert) last night. I know that no one is more than patient and regular in his omnipresence than the Prime Minister, and it is marvellous how he is able to sit through so much of our Debates, merely it happened that by bad luck he was not hither at that moment. I am sure, all the same, that if he had heard my hon. and gallant Friend's spoken communication he would have felt very much annoyed that such a rumour could even have been circulated.

I cannot believe that the Prime Government minister, or any Prime Minister, possessed of a large working majority, would exist capable of such an act of celebrated, constitutional indecency. I think as well highly of him. Of course, if I have misjudged him on the right side, and there is a dissolution on the Munich Agreement, on Anglo-Nazi friendship, of the land of our defences and so forth, everyone will have to fight according to his convictions, and only a prophet could forecast the ultimate result; but, whatsoever the effect, few things could be more fatal to our remaining chances of survival as a not bad Power than that this state should be torn in twain upon this deadly outcome, of strange policy at a moment when, whoever the Ministers may be, united effort can alone make us rubber.

I have been casting almost to see how measures can be taken to protect us from this advance of the Nazi power, and to secure those forms of life which are so dear to us. What is the sole method that is open? The sole method that is open is for us to regain our former isle independence past acquiring that supremacy in the air which we were promised, that security in our air defences which we were assured we had, and thus to brand ourselves an island in one case again. That, in all this grim outlook, shines out equally the overwhelming fact.

An effort at rearmament the like of which has not been seen ought to be made forthwith, and all the resources of this country and all its united strength should be bent to that task. I was very glad to see that Lord Baldwin yesterday in the House of Lords said that he would mobilise manufacture to-morrow. Only I think it would accept been much better if Lord Baldwin had said that two and a half years ago, when everyone demanded a Ministry building of Supply. I volition venture to say to hon. Gentlemen sitting hither behind the Regime Bench, hon. Friends of mine, whom I give thanks for the patience with which they have listened to what I take to say, that they have some responsibility for all this too, because, if they had given one tithe of the thank you they have lavished upon this transaction of Czechoslovakia to the small ring of Members, who were endeavouring to get timely rearmament prepare in motility, we should not at present be in the position in which we are. Hon. Gentlemen opposite, and hon. Members on the Liberal benches, are not entitled to throw these stones. I remember for ii years having to face up, non only the Government's depreciation, simply their stern disapproval. Lord Baldwin has now given the indicate, tardy though information technology may be; let u.s.a. at least obey it.

Afterward all, there are no secrets now nearly what happened in the air and in the mobilisation of our anti-aircraft defences. These matters accept been, as my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for the Abbey Division said, seen by thousands of people. They tin class their own opinions of the grapheme of the statements which have been persistently made to us by Ministers on this subject. Who pretends now that there is air parity with Deutschland? Who pretends now that our anti-aircraft defences were adequately manned or armed?

We know that the German General Staff are well informed upon these subjects, only the Firm of Commons has hitherto not taken seriously its duty of requiring to assure itself on these matters. The Abode Secretary said the other night that he would welcome investigation. Many things have been done which reflect the greatest credit upon the administration. Just the vital matters are what we want to know about. I have asked again and again during these three years for a underground Session where these matters could be thrashed out, or for an investigation past a Select Committee of the House, or for some other method. I ask now that, when nosotros meet once again in the autumn, that should exist a matter on which the Government should take the Firm into its conviction, considering nosotros accept a right to know where we stand up and what measures are being taken to secure our position.

I do not grudge our loyal, brave people, who were ready to exercise their duty no matter what the cost, who never flinched under the strain of last week – I do not grudge them the natural, spontaneous outburst of joy and relief when they learned that the hard ordeal would no longer be required of them at the moment; just they should know the truth. They should know that there has been gross fail and deficiency in our defences; they should know that we accept sustained a defeat without a state of war, the consequences of which will travel far with us along our road; they should know that nosotros take passed an awful milestone in our history, when the whole equilibrium of Europe has been deranged, and that the terrible words have for the fourth dimension being been pronounced against the Western democracies:

"Thou art weighed in the residual and found wanting."

And do not suppose that this is the end. This is just the beginning of the reckoning. This is only the first sip, the beginning foretaste of a bitter cup which volition be proffered to us twelvemonth by year unless by a supreme recovery of moral health and martial vigour, we ascend again and take our stand for freedom as in the olden time.

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Source: https://winstonchurchill.org/resources/speeches/1930-1938-the-wilderness/the-munich-agreement/

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